Robert A. Sirico
The Detroit News
December 20, 1992
THERE IS NO NEED TO REHEARSE ALL THE
religious and moral reasons for assistance to those in need. It is sufficient
to say, at least for Christians, that they find themselves ministering to Christ
Himself in their ministry to the poor, and that what we do to the least of Christ's
brethren, we do unto Christ. But this sensitivity, what some have even called
a 'preferential option" for the poor, does not free us from the need to
prudently and wisely consider the most appropriate ways in which this obligation
is to be carried out. Especially in this season of generosity, and as we hear
the incoming Clinton administration's promise to reform the welfare system as
we know it, we do well to reject the confusion that equates a preferential option
for the poor with a preferential option for the state.
From the earliest Christian reflection on aid to those in need,
this obligation was never presented as an unconditional one. While St. Paul
encouraged the early Christian community to be sensitive to the needy in its
midst, he also was realistic, indeed prudent enough to warn that if a
man doesn't work, neither let him eat (2 Thessalonians 3: 10). Christianity,
with all its talk of love as the fundamental virtue, never accepted the notion
that it was a moral responsibility to help those who could, but would not, help
themselves.
It would appear, moreover, that this is the general attitude
of the American public. Polls indicate that there is a preference among Americans
for social programs to promote self-sufficiency, not dependency.
Yet, when Michigan Gov. John Engler last year acted to fulfill
his campaign promise to reduce the size of movement and proceeded to eliminate
80,000 able-bodied general assistance recipients from the roll, his most vocal
critics were welfare advocacy groups headed by prominent mainline Protestant
and Roman Catholic religious leaders.
It would be another matter altogether if these governmental
transfer payments were actually effective in ameliorating poverty and minimizing
crime. Yet, just about everyone, regardless of political stripe, seems to agree
there is a crisis in the welfare system and that the massive welfare state doesn't
work - just about everyone, that is, except perhaps a few ill-tutored theologians.
With all the use of that terribly obscure and unnecessarily narrow phrase family
values in this past election season, perhaps the real issue we are attempting
to get at is functional values or how we go about fostering a society whose
members learn how to function well and productively.
There is a growing body of literature indicating that governmental
programs, owing to their political nature, instill a sense of dependency in
those they are designed to help. They create the very situations they profess
to cure. With the failure of socialism in central Europe and the intellectual
and moral bankruptcy this represents for Marxism, the current debate shifts
to the moral legitimacy and practical effectiveness of the welfare state.
The welfare state fails in its objectives for the same reason
that socialism failed in its - a rejection of sound economic thinking.
The key practical problem with the welfare state is the presupposition
that it can observe all social problems and needs, and is able to regulate the
necessary sectors of society in such a way as to best meet those needs. But
no one group of planners, no matter how wise and sensitive to human needs they
may be, can see the deepest needs of the human soul, which frequently are at
the root of economic problems. Moreover, when central planning boards become
active, they interfere with the free market's natural ability to uncover relevant
knowledge about local circumstances to meet existing needs. Central planning
impedes the market's efficiency and productivity. In other words, the state's
pretense to knowledge hinders the necessary order that would emerge naturally,
thus preventing the emergence of what would otherwise be more effective and
frequently more humane alternatives.
The specific problem this confusion presents to the church
is that it disintegrates charity into an entitlement and collapses love into
justice. If all relations are based merely on state-enforced justice, what becomes
of the virtue of love? Especially when viewed from a religious perspective,
the disadvantages of an expansive welfare state are sadly apparent. Promoting
the government as the resource of first resort lessens the incentive of people
in the pews to become personally involved in needed projects and relegates the
church to the role of lobbyist. To the extent that the church functions as a
lobbyist, rather than itself clothing the naked, feeding the hungry and performing
the other traditional acts of charity, the church loses a rich source of its
own spiritual nourishment.
This has, in turn, led to a secularizing of the social assistance
systems (schools, hospitals, orphanages, health clinics). This development minimizes
the moral influence of religious mediating institutions which are so critical
in helping to stabilize troubled families.
Even the pope has expressed deep reservations about the welfare
or social assistance state. In his latest social encyclical, John
Paul II advocated a principle of social organization that seeks to employ the
energy and knowledge of those closest to the people in need, and to use this,
not the state, as the resource of first resort.
"Malfunctions and defects in the Social Assistance State
are the result of an inadequate understanding of the tasks proper to the State,"
the pope said. Here again the principle of subsidiary must be respected:
a community of a higher order should not interfere in the internal life of a
community of a lower order, depriving the latter of its functions, but rather
should support it in case of need and help to coordinate its activity with the
activities o the rest of society, always with a view to the common good....
(I)t would appear that needs are best understood and satisfied by people who
are closes to them and who act as neighbors to those in need."
The time has come for religious leaders to abandon their advocacy
of more and more government programs, and take back from the state their rightful
position as the primary ministers of the welfare of the poor.
Acton Institute for
the Study of Religion and Liberty
161 Ottawa NW, Ste. 301 Grand Rapids, MI 49503 phone: (616) 454-3080 fax: (616) 454-9454
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