Executive Summary
If your brother sins against you, go and show him his fault,
just between the two of you. If he listens to you, you have won
your brother over. But if he will not listen, take one or two
others along, so that “every matter may be established by
the testimony of two or three witnesses.” If he refuses
to listen to them, tell it to the church; and if he refuses to
listen even to the church, treat him as you would a pagan or a
tax collector.
Matthew 18:1517 (NIV)
When somone has caused harm to another, it is right that he or
she rectify the situation. In many cases, the rectification comes
without appeal to any other authority. The two parties simply work
things out and reconcile. In other circumstances, the parties are
unable to come to agreement and, following the mandate of Christ
in Matthew 18, look to a mediator to restore peace. They might,
for instance, turn to a friend, a family member, or a pastor to
help resolve the situation. In any of these cases, at least partial
forgiveness and hopefully complete forgiveness is likely to be included
in the resolution. The goal is the restoration of both parties.
Some disputes, of course, require involvement of the courts. Ideally,
this is the last resort. Suits seeking reparations or damages for
a wrong suffered at the hands of another are called tort suits.
Tort laws provide an opportunity for finding resolution in difficult
situations so that people do not take justice into their own hands.
In this context, disagreements can be adjudicated with set rules
and by neutral parties and so serve the common good.
Over the past several decades in the United States, tort law has
undergone significant changes that, in practice, seriously diminish
the opportunity to find resolution and justice. The modern American
tort system encourages lawsuits designed to maximize recovery for
the plaintiff, regardless of the culpability of the wrongdoer. It
encourages litigation at the expense of forgiveness and understanding.
It ignores the role that family members, friends, religious leaders,
and others can play in bringing about reconciliation.
In addition, the cost to society as a whole is significant. Products
are more expensive and unemployment rates are higher. American businesses
have certainly been put at a competitive disadvantage in the international
market. Increased exposure to tort liability has also had a substantial
impact on the medical system, dramatically increasing costs and
limiting access to medical care in some locations.
The impact of these costs is a concern to religious
leaders for several reasons. The effect is greatest on the poor
of our country who are also the most vulnerable. While those in
medium and higher income brackets can afford more expensive basic
necessities like food, clothing, and shelter, the cost to those
in lower income brackets can be overwhelming.
The damage, however, is not limited to the economic
realm. There is a moral consequence for a society that becomes furiously
litigious. As tort law evolves and expands, it separates responsibility
for the harm from the obligation to make the victim whole. Instead
of restoration or reconciliation, the goal becomes winning the suit,
no matter on which side we find ourselves. A reluctance to seek
forgiveness develops. Hesitancy to apologize grows as the fear of
being sued expands. Who would offer an apology only to have it turned
into a weapon against them in court? Furthermore, who would accept
an apology and extend forgiveness if it might be used by an opponent
before a judge and jury? The net result of these developments is
more distrust between members of the society, less human understanding,
and damage to the common good.
Lawmakers and the general public have taken note
of much of the harm an overly litigious tort system causes. Many
state and federal legislators are exploring different ways to counteract
the problems brought about by the distortion of the tort system.
Too often, however, the forces behind these efforts for reform focus
solely on economic matters. They are unaware of the damage the tort
system is doing to our communities and to us as individuals. If
reform is to be effective and best serve the common good, people
of faith must become involved in the debate and advance these considerations.
Failure to do so may result in a legal system that continues to
work against our communities and civil society.
Churches and those who lead them also face significant
exposure to tort laws through the conditions of their premises,
church-related activities they sponsor, or the actions of their
staff members or leadership councils. A report from Church Mutual,
an insurance company specializing in covering churches, states the
following:
Among the activities for which we have seen legal
action are: skiing (snow and water), tubing, sledding and tobogganing,
hiking and climbing, biking, boating, canoeing and swimming, hayrides,
horseback riding, three-wheeling, motorcycling and snowmobiling.
Also from softball, football, basketball, skating, mud events,
obstacle courses and trampolining. Even food poisoning from dinners.…
Select your activities carefully—based on the capabilities
of the participants. Prepare for them with safety, as well as
fun, in mind. Have an adequate number of qualified supervisors,
which is especially important for youth activities. Be sure each
supervisor knows his or her responsibilities. Set ground rules
and follow them.1
Of course, all of this is good advice when considered
from the perspective of a church pastor or parish priest who does
not want to see someone injured. But that is not the focus of Church
Mutual. Instead, it places churches in a defensive posture, more
concerned with exposure to law suits than with the care of people.
II. Torts and Justice
Law has a dual nature: It shapes behavior, and it
reflects societal values. Legal rules not only outline that which
is acceptable, but they also help form the views and opinions of
members of the society. Perhaps no other area of law influences
behavior and sways attitudes more compellingly than does tort law.
It “shapes the way we relate to each other both in public
and in private.”2 In recent decades, however, this
doctrine has undergone significant revision. In the process, the
community-affirming message that it has traditionally put forth
has changed in a way that must concern all those who truly care
about society and the people in it.
How it Works
A tort is a type of legal action in which an injured
part (the plaintiff) sues the alleged wrongdoer (the defendant)
for the harm suffered. A tort suit may be based upon an intentional
or unintentional act. The normal remedy is to order the defendant
to correct the harm. In the American legal system, this usually
means paying monetary damages so as to make the plaintiff whole.
This legal expression means that it is required that the plaintiff
be restored to the same position he would have been in had the injury
not occurred. Unlike a crime, in which the criminal is held responsible
for the harm caused to society, with a tort, the defendant is held
responsible to a harmed individual. Thus, traditional tort law does
not punish the offender. Rather it attempts to direct the
defendant toward rendering the plaintiff whole.
When a tort lawsuit is based upon intentional conduct,
there is little question about the justification for holding the
defendant responsible for making the plaintiff whole. Such lawsuits
are neither hard to understand, nor are they controversial. When
the facts are clear, one would even hope that the defendant, under
the compulsion of basic fairness, would admit liability and satisfy
the injured party without resort to legal action. People in a healthy
community need to be willing to admit when they have wronged another
and willing to take responsibility to restore that person.
In cases where a persons actions have unintentionally
injured another, liability is usually based on negligence theory.
The traditional formula for negligence requires proof that the defendant
had a responsibility to the plaintiff; the defendant breached that
responsibility; the plaintiff suffered a foreseeable injury; and
the breach of responsibility was the proximate cause of the injury.
The law does not require the defendant to be completely without
fault, but that she behave as a reasonably prudent person would
do in the same or similar circumstances.
Even when the defendant has intentionally done
something wrong to the plaintiff, the traditional rule is that a
court will not award damages unless the plaintiff can establish
that he or she has suffered some actual harm. Awards are limited
to measurable damages actually suffered.
Tort law also traditionally required the plaintiff
to establish that the defendant was responsible for the harm before
the court would order the defendant to pay damages. The plaintiff
had to establish two facts: first, both that the injury would not
have occurred if it had not been for the defendants conduct;
and second, that the plaintiffs injury came about as part
of the natural and continuous sequence, unbroken by any intervening
cause, from the defendants act. Stated differently, the plaintiffs
action (or failure to act when there was a duty to do so) had to
have been the foreseeable cause of the plaintiffs injury or
the defendant would not be held liable.
A Christian Understanding of Justice
Traditional tort law fits well with Christian teaching
about justice, on which much of it based. Many of the societal laws
of the Pentateuch address situations in which one persons
actions cause damage to another. In some cases, specific remedies
are also commanded with the intention of restoring the person or
persons property which was harmed (Exodus 22). The Old Testament
Scriptures also acknowledge that intention matters. Those whose
intentions were evil are more harshly judged than those whose intentions
were good but whose action or inaction caused harm (Exodus 21:33–34;
22:13).
What happens when harm is done, intentionally or
unintentionally, because of the actions of another? Where is justice
to be found? The words of Christ in Matthew 18 teaches us that problems
are best addressed by the individuals directly affected by them.
As much as possible, the matter is to be resolved between the two
parties. If they are incapable of resolving their problems, then
the social institutions closest to them would be the next best suited
to assist. The State as the social institution most removed from
the individual must be considered as a last resort. This is not
to say there is no role for the state; it is only that the state
is the final adjudicator.
One expression of this teaching applied to social
thought is called the doctrine of subsidiarity, according
to which
it is an injustice, a grave evil and a disturbance
of right order for a larger and higher organization to arrogate
to itself functions which can be performed efficiently by smaller
and lower bodies. This is a fundamental aim of social philosophy.…
Of its very nature the true aim of all social activity should
be to help members of a social body, and never to destroy or absorb
them.…3
The doctrine of subsidiarity recognizes that
the individual will not always be able to perform for himself, but
where that is true, the individual should be assisted not by the
State, but by a mediate association, such as a family, church, school,
or some other social organization. Above all, the assistance should
come from the meditating association closest to the individuals
affected by the problem, with less involved, more detached associations
only used when absolutely necessary. Jesus words in Matthew
5:25–26 add a prudential warning to solving issues at a local
level: “Settle matters quickly with your adversary who is
taking you to court. Do it while you are still with him on the way,
or he may hand you over to the judge, and the judge may hand you
over to the officer, and you may be thrown into prison. I tell you
the truth, you will not get out until you have paid the last penny.”
III. Modern Developments in Tort Law
Throughout most of the twentieth century, the American
tort law system advanced the cause of justice as described above.
Over the past forty years, however, tort law has undergone several
significant changes. The cumulative impact of all of these changes
results in a significant threat to justice and the structure of
civil society.
Proving Harm
No party should be required to pay to correct harms
that he or she did not cause. The problem, however, is that it can
be extremely difficult for the plaintiff to prove causation. Sometimes
the difficulty lies in uncovering facts; other times there is a
problem due to lack of scientific knowledge. This is especially
true of certain environmental and chemical exposure cases, in which
symptoms may not develop for a long time.
The difficulty of establishing causation in modern
environmental exposure cases is illustrated in the case Miller
v. National Cabinet Co.4 This was a lawsuit brought
by the widow of a cabinet maker who had died from leukemia. Mrs.
Miller was convinced that exposure to benzene had caused her husbands
leukemia, and she wanted the Benz Oil company to pay for her loss.
Unfortunately for her, Mrs. Miller could not prove causation. Her
first problem, as noted by the court, was that in order to win,
Mrs. Miller had to prove that benzene could cause leukemia. Today
we know there is a causal relationship between leukemia and exposure
to benzene, but in 1960, at the time this case was decided, there
was insufficient evidence of any such association. As a result,
Mrs. Miller could not win her case.
Additionally, causation requirements at the time
of the case required that she prove more than that benzene might
or could cause leukemia. She also had to prove more specifically
that benzene did, in fact, cause her husbands leukemia. Could
there have been other causes? Did leukemia, for example, run in
his family? Might people randomly develop leukemia? All these issues
would have had to be examined.
Causation is even more complicated still. Even
if Mrs. Miller had proved that her late husbands leukemia
was caused by exposure to benzene, she would not be able to recover
damages from Benz Oil unless she could show that the leukemia was
caused by that brand of benzene. Mr. Miller had worked in the cabinet-making
business for many years, and he presumably used many different brands
of benzene over those years. According to traditional tort doctrine,
it would be unfair to hold Benz Oil responsible if the disease was
actually caused by exposure to a different brand of benzene.
In light of the problems in establishing causation
and to help plaintiffs like Mrs. Miller, many courts relaxed traditional
causation requirements. The old standard was that plaintiffs had
to prove that exposure to some product could lead to harm. American
courts today, however, tend to neglect the enforcement of this standard.
They base their decisions on far less-than-conclusive scientific
evidence.5 The intent is to lessen the harsh results
in cases like the one brought by Mrs. Miller.
Unfortunately, what too often occurs today is that
defendants who were not really at fault end up being held responsible
for someone elses bad conduct. In the worst of scenarios,
defendants who are not at fault are forced to defend themselves
at a significant cost despite the unsubstantiated charges raised
against them. Because so much money is at stake in such cases, people
who had little or nothing to do with the injury or loss are named
in suits to expand the possibility of greater financial benefit.
Some courts will permit recovery for conduct that
has not yet caused harm to the plaintiff but has increased the risk
of harm in the future.6 Thus, if exposure to a chemical
makes it more likely that a person will one day develop cancer,
a court may permit recovery for that increased risk but not for
actual harm done. Other courts permit recovery for the plaintiffs
fear of what might happen in the future due to the exposure.7
After all, the reasoning goes, the exposed plaintiff will certainly
worry about matters that he might not have worried about if not
for the exposure.
Another important development related to causation
is the emergence of market share or enterprise liability.
The problem that Mrs. Miller had in proving that Benz Oil was the
brand of benzene that caused her husbands leukemia illustrates
the market share of enterprise liability. Courts often impose this
type of liability when: (1) the product at issue was manufactured
by one of a small number of defendants in an industry; (2) the defendants
all knew about the risks inherent in the product; (3) they failed
to take steps to reduce this risk; and (4) most, if not all, of
the manufacturers are joined as defendants. In such cases, liability
can be apportioned, so that each defendant pays a percentage equal
to the percentage of the market that it controls.
Although market share liability does not necessarily
link the responsible defendant to the correct injured plaintiff,
it seems fair to hold all similarly situated defendants liable if
the product at issue has actually caused harm. The primary concern
about this evolution in tort law is the role it has played in the
development of large class action lawsuits and in a general lessening
of causation requirements.
What most dramatically illustrates the impact of
lessened causation requirements is strict product liability. Under
this doctrine, the defendant is held strictly liable for physical
damage to a consumer or bystander or their property if harm was
caused by a defective product manufactured by the defendant. The
problem is that the principal criterion is whether the plaintiff
was harmed, not whether the product made by the defendant was defective
or if the defect contributed to the plaintiffs injury. A manufacturer
that exercised the highest level of care can still be found liable.
In other words, traditional causation need not even be established.
This encourages consumers to see the court not
as a place for justice, but as a place to get (or avoid paying)
money. Rather than responsibility, chance is presented as the primary
factor in which
the operation of the tort system is akin to a
lottery. Most crucial criteria for payment are largely controlled
by chance: (1) whether one is “lucky” enough to be
injured by someone whose conduct or product can be proved faulty;
(2) whether that partys insurance limits or assets are sufficient
to promise an award or settlement commensurate with losses and
expenses; (3) whether ones own innocence of faulty conduct
can be proved; and (4) whether one has the good fortune to retain
a lawyer who can exploit all the variables before an impressionable
jury, including graphically portraying whatever pain one has suffered.8
Some trial attorneys have taken note of this and
have used it to their clients advantage:
[I]n many toxic tort and products liability cases,
the plaintiffs causation theory is directly contrary to
the overwhelming weight of the scientific evidence. These cases
are nevertheless brought by plaintiffs attorneys who know
that the cases have a high economic value because an occasional
jury can be persuaded to issue a verdict contrary to the scientific
evidence.9
The relaxed causation requirements for lawsuits
have encouraged the characterization of tort law as frivolous in
the American popular culture. According to one observation, “Lawyers
today are like gamblers … they take on lawsuit, after lawsuit,
after lawsuit until eventually they find a jury wacky enough to
award money.”10 With these results, the lessening
of causation requirements certainly does not serve the common good.
Real justice for injured people is stifled. Courts are logjammed
with frivolous cases where the concern is far more about getting
a huge settlement than it is about finding justice, seeking reconciliation,
or restoring wholeness.
What is a Trial Lawyer?
In one sense, the term trial lawyer can
applyto any attorney who specializes in litigation as opposed to
those who specialize in providing corporate, probate, tax, or any
other business advice. When discussing tort abuse and proposed tort
reform, however, the term trial lawyer—like the term plaintiffs
attorney—refers to the attorneys who represent plaintiffs,
while those on the other side are referred to as defense lawyers.
Many attorneys are good people who take the demands
of justice seriously and see their calling as a way to serve their
clients, communities, and nations. However, as is to be expected,
some trial attorneys have responded to the lessened causation requirements
by trying to take an unfair advantage. They have developed new and
creative claims to support large, class action lawsuits that would
have been unthinkable a generation earlier.
Class action lawsuits are enticing because they
are incredibly profitable. Teams of plaintiff attorneys, sometimes
numbering in the hundreds, combine assets, recruit clients, coordinate
legalstrategy, and ultimately share in a significant percentage
of the damages awarded. With numerous plaintiffs joined in a single
case, they can bring enough market pressure on the defendant to
force a settlement even when liability may not actually be present.
For instance, if there is a limited number of plaintiffs who actually
suffered harm due to the defendants product, but there are
numerous others who were exposed to it, the class action format
gives the plaintiff attorneys grounds to argue that all plaintiffs
should be compensated.
Rather than going to trial, the defendant may agree
to an out-of-court settlement in which he commits to pay a limited
amount to all plaintiffs because it will be cheaper than a full
trial with the possibility of an expensive loss. The result, of
course, can be that the truly injured parties receive smaller awards
than they would otherwise have received, and other plaintiffs who
were not harmed receive unwarranted awards. The defendant ends up
paying money that cannot be used for other purposes, like developing
new products or hiring more workers. The attorneys are compensated
either way.11
Furthermore, the matter of attorney compensation
deserves some consideration. The American legal system requires
the parties for each side to pay for their own attorney. Since many
plaintiffs have insufficient assets to hire an attorney at an hourly
rate, plaintiffs attorneys usually work on a contingency fee
basis, getting paid only if there is settlement or a favorable judgment.
Such a method helps plaintiffs who might not otherwise be able to
afford an attorney.12 Many attorneys, however, are only
interested in bringing contingency cases when the financial equation
makes sense. In other words, the damages have to be significant.
If a plaintiff has suffered real, but limited damages, it increases
the difficulty on finding an attorney willing to take the case.
It would be better for that attorney to take a chance on a weaker
case that had the possibility for a larger award even if it were
weaker on its merits than a strong case with a lower potential return
on the investment of time and effort.
Thus, the system encourages plaintiffs to bring
questionable claims when there is a potential for a large damages
award, but it discourages meritorious cases that do not hold out
the promise of a large award. In England, Canada, Australia, and
virtually every other common law jurisdiction except for the United
States, the losing side pays the attorneys fees for both parties.
The advantage of such a practice is that it creates a disincentive
for bringing frivolous lawsuits, and it encourages quick settlement
when the claim has merit.
Moreover, contingency fees give plaintiff attorneys
a financial incentive to maximize the award, regardless of whether
the plaintiffs injury could be satisfied with a much smaller
amount. There is also an incentive for plaintiff attorneys to prolong
litigation. For example, the contingency fee contract often increases
the percentage the attorney will receive if settlement takes place
after trial commences.13 Perhaps more importantly, the
plaintiffs attorney knows that the defendant will be paying
the defense attorney an hourly rate. As time goes by and the bill
mounts, the defendant will feel more and more pressure to settle
so as to limit costs.
When a legal system encourages questionable cases
due to the possibility of a large award, discourages meritorious
claims that do not hold out the hope of a large award, exacerbates
the level of damages, and delays justice, it does not advance the
common good.
How Much Is Enough?
In recent decades, the size of awards in tort cases
has dramatically increased, as has the number of large awards. They
have, in fact, expanded beyond the amount that would justly compensate
the injured plaintiff. This is a fundamental change to tort law,
and it raises serious questions about the message the legal system
is sending.
Pain and Suffering
Much of the controversy regarding the modern American
tort system targets the subject matter of non-pecuniary damages
such as pain and suffering. In addition, punitive damages have become
a much more significant portion of tort suit with the goal of not
only restoring the injured party, but also of punishing the one
who caused the injury. These non-pecuniary damages account for more
than 90 percent of the total amount awarded in any given year.14
Trial lawyers argue that the tort system has protected American
consumers for centuries, but most of that time non-economic damages
were an insignificant consideration.
Punitive or exemplary damages deserve special attention.
These damages are a type of award in which an amount of money is
calculated above and beyond the amount that would compensate the
injured party. A punitive damages award is designed to deter bad
conduct by the defendant in the future, as well as that of others
who may surrender to the same bad conduct in the absence of such
deterrence.
Unfortunately, punitive damages usually fail to
approach the just end for which they are intended. For instance,
insurance covers most actions that lie at the heart of tort suits.
Thus, it is rarely the defendant who directly pays the awarded damages.
Instead, insurance companies become the de facto defendants.
Moreover, since punitive damages are designed to
deter future conduct, plaintiffs are usually permitted to discover
and report evidence of the defendants wealth to the jury.
Thus, a suit filed against a wealthy individual or corporation can
result in a substantially larger award than would be expected from
a smaller, less wealthy defendant that engaged in exactly the
same conduct. This unequal treatment among defendants based
solely on their financial status violates the tenets of justice.
In recent decades, there has been a significant
increase in the size of punitive damage awards, growing from $13,896
in 1970 to $466,346 in 1990.15 Those who defend the current
tort system argue that appellate courts review punitive awards,
and they are often reduced on appeal. Reliance on appellate courts
is not, however, an adequate solution. It only leads to haphazard
application, which prevents the awards from doing what they are
intended to do.
Damages for pain and suffering can also have an
adverse effect on the principles of justice. Based on verdicts from
the past few decades, these damages regularly amount to about three
times the economic loss in any given injury.16 That value
encourages plaintiffs to develop evidence of pain and suffering.
The United States Congressional Joint Economic Committee found that
the additional damages did not reach the actual injured plaintiffs.
Rather, “to a substantial extent, such damages have developed
and increased in awards as a way to pay the huge contingency fees
of plaintiffs attorneys. In other words, to make sure victims
receive the full amount that would compensate them for the concretely
measurable damages suffered, courts in effect add on pain and suffering
damages as the lawyers compensation.”17 At
the same time, plaintiffs and insurance claimants, as might be expected,
try to make up for the attorney fees, in part, by inflating medical
damages and seeking more pain and suffering damages.
Blameless Co-conspirators
Under the rule of joint and several liability,
if two or more defendants are responsible for the damage, they can
each be held responsible for the full amount of the damages. It
does not matter that the defendants did not act in concert, or that
neithers conduct by itself would have caused the injury. Joint
and several liability was originally premised upon the idea of holding
co conspirators each liable for all the damage they caused.
When there is coordinated, intentional conduct by a group of people,
the doctrine makes much sense.
The doctrine today, however, is applied to allow
tort victims to recover damages from defendants who are in no way
connected or equally responsible, but who are merely wealthy or
insured. This has had serious ramifications in some areas of the
law. For example, any polluter who contributes to the contamination
of a hazardous waste site can be held entirely accountable for the
full cost of cleanup under the federal Superfund rule. Naturally,
then, defendants spend a great deal of time and effort on finding
other defendants with whom they might share the burden of defense.
This leads to defendants whose contribution to the alleged harm
is negligible, but who will be held potentially responsible for
very significant awards. The end result is that some objectively
blameless defendants are held responsible for the wrongdoing of
others.
IV. Tort Law and the Impact on Society
It is undeniable that the American tort law system,
despite its imperfections, has been a vehicle of justice. Nonetheless,
we are witnessing the distortion of the system to the benefit of
a few and the harm of many. Such abuses are carving a rift in the
moral terrain of the American culture. It is time for people of
faith to think seriously about the effects of modern tort law on
our culture and begin to consider some ways in which it might be
reformed.
The Economic Impact
There are, of course, economic effects that must
be considered in the overall matter of tort law.
Cost to Consumers
Studies estimate that the American tort law system
costs upwards of $152 billion per year or some 2.2 percent of the
American GNP.18 It is not just large, publicly traded
corporations that bear these costs. Tort law abuse is also bad for
consumers. A few people win enormous amounts of money in settlements
or judgments, but the costs are spread to the rest of us. We pay
higher prices due to the risk that manufacturers pass on to consumers,
the majority of whom will almost certainly be made worse off, and
low-income consumers unambiguously so. By increasing the cost of
insurance, widespread and unpredictable tort liability increases
the price and decreases the general availability of insurance. The
end result of expansive tort law is harm to those it purports to
help.19
Tort law abuse can also profoundly influence the
labor market and availability of jobs. Legal exposure and the costs
associated with it in the United States makes shifting jobs overseas
more attractive because of lower legal exposure in other countries.
What about protecting consumers from harm resulting
from irresponsibly manufactured products? Some may argue that expanded
tort liability serves the common good by holding corporations accountable
and this, no doubt, is true in some instances. But the best protection
against bad business is a free economy that rewards excellence and
service and punishes poor quality and dangerous products. As one
legal scholar has written:
the evidence suggests that the tort explosion
has not in fact increased product safety; nor is there any reason
to believe that the revolution in tort liability is well conceived
to actually accomplish the goal of safety and accident prevention.
Indeed, market pressures and third-party evaluators such as Consumer
Reports and Underwriters Laboratory do far more to ensure
the safety of products than does the tort system. Todays
tort system thus appears to be dramatically inefficient, imposing
substantial wealth losses on American society and the economy
with little mitigating public benefit.20
Health Care and Legal Protection
The expansion of the tort law liability and the
progressively increasing tort law abuses have had perhaps their
most deleterious impact on the medical profession. Huge awards in
medical malpractice suits have, for example, significantly driven
up the cost of medical services, interfered with doctor-patient
relationships, and made it more difficult for many Americans to
obtain good health care. According to a 2002 survey, more than three-fourths
(76 percent) of American physicians believe that malpractice litigation
has hurt their ability to provide quality care. Nearly all physicians
and hospital administrators believe that unnecessary or excessive
care is provided because of fear of litigation. Specifically, doctors
order more tests, refer more patients to specialists, do more invasive
testing (like biopsies), and prescribe more medications (especially
antibiotics) than they normally would because of fear of litigation.
In fact, there is “nearly unanimous agreement among physicians,
nurses and hospital administrators that these extra tests, referrals
and procedures contribute in a significant way to health care costs
issues.”21 Such extras are not related to providing
better care for patients. Instead, the focus of the caregivers has
shifted from patient care to legal protection.
The circle is vicious. Doctors are concerned about
being sued, so they order and perform more tests and procedures
that are viewed as unnecessary from a medical perspective. Because
exposure is high and their insurer is the one who will be paying
any judgment against the health care provider, the cost of insurance
has skyrocketed. The size of damages awards in medical malpractice
cases has grown so rapidly that medical malpractice insurance rates
increased from 30 percent to as much as 75 percent between 2000
and 2002.22 In some regions, insurance companies have
been reluctant to sell malpractice insurance, regardless of the
price doctors might be willing to pay.23 Many doctors,
particularly those whose areas of specialization are considered
to be high risk in the insurance sphere, such as obstetricians,
have taken early retirement.24 This situation has had
a direct impact on the quality of health care in the United States
today.25
Another concern relates to prescription drugs.
It takes years for drugs to be developed, researched, and approved
by the Federal Drug Administration. Once on the market, there is
always a possibility that new problems will be discovered and litigation
will follow. It is inevitable, then, that pharmaceutical companies
have to build these potential costs into the price structure of
their drugs as a preventive measure, even if they have not yet been
affected. The outcome even more deleterious to health care is that
a pharmaceutical company may decide not to bring the drug to the
market.26 Consider, for instance, the 2004 flu vaccine
shortage. It was due, in significant part, to several manufacturers
stopping production, leaving the market overly dependant on only
two producers. Such states of affairs make it difficult for people
in need to afford their medications. We must also recognize that
insofar as prescription drugs may qualify as benefits provided either
by insurance policies or governmental programs, such a provision
inevitably will result in either higher premiums or higher taxes
to finance the governmental expenditures in public prescription
programs.
Tort law, as we have seen, has had a serious impact
on the health care system. This situation has given rise to many
calls for politicians to consider the need for reform. In 2002,
an editorial of The Washington Post read, “As to the
right to sue, our preference is to keep the practice of medicine
as far from the courts and the predatory instincts of some of the
trial bar as possible … the threat of lawsuits should not
be what governs health care in this country.”27
It is clear that no one wants to see injured people denied their
day in court, but when the legal system begins to hinder the ability
of average Americans to obtain health care, it hurts the common
good and needs to be reformed.
The Moral Question
The current tort law system has had a negative
moral impact on communities and individuals. Unfortunately, this
moral impact is not often discussed in the debate over tort reform.
The Impact on Community
In a litigious society, people have to be cautious
about their legal exposure. Lawyers advise clients to be silent.
Those causing harm are told to admit nothing. Those who were harmed
are told to forgive nothing. In fact, in our current setting, the
person harmed and the person who caused the harm are instructed
to refrain from even speaking to one another. Given the climate,
this may be good legal advice in that it limits exposure, but legal
considerations win out over human dignity. Litigation becomes the
conduit through which people relate to one another. Reconciliation
is no longer a central concern.
This violates subsidiarity and harms the common
good. Behind the explosion of litigation is a great sense of loss
of community, and inordinate focus on rights without a correlative
sense of duties, a tendency to try to put financial value on every
harm and wrong, the failure of our social institutions to provide
support for people who hurt and suffer, and our lack of capacity
to observe even minor wrong.28
Great harm is done to the value of forgiveness,
which is crucial in maintaining a peaceful society.
When Chief Justice Warren Burger addressed the
American Bar Association at its 1982 convention, he noted the failure
of litigation to truly resolve human conflict. “Isnt
there a better way?”29 he asked. As he explained,
the “result [of a trial]is often drained of much of its value
because ofthe time lapse, the expense, and the emotional stress.”30
In the end, relationships are weakened, families may be at odds,
and communities are not what they were.
Consider the following actual case. A young driver
backs into a parked car. Knowing that he is morally and legally
responsible, the driver leaves a note on the windshield of the damaged
car. The driver and the owner of the parked car agree to resolve
the matter of damages privately. The owner of the damaged car obtains
an estimate on the cost of repair, and the driver, acting responsibly,
pays for the repair. The car is repaired, both parties behave in
a moral way, and the community is affirmed. The cost to society
is low. There is no legal confrontation. The situation is kept out
of a court docket that is already overloaded, making room for more
serious matters.
Let us consider another possible option for resolving
the matter of damages. On the one hand, the owner of the damaged
car actually might have received more compensation if he had pursued
litigation. There is no question that he invested time and effort
to obtain the estimate. In addition, he was precluded from using
his car while it was being repaired. A trial lawyer might have been
able to obtain compensation for these additional inconveniences.
On the other hand, if such litigation had been
contemplated, the young driver might not have admitted liability.
At the very least, his attorney would have demanded verifiable evidence
concerning how and where the plaintiffs car was parked. The
motivation for such a request is to discover evidence that suggests
that the plaintiff or some other third party contributed to the
outcome. Was the parked car, for example, too close to the young
drivers car? Was the lot properly designed? Was the car damaged
before the accident took place?
If the parties had demanded a formal trial, there
would have been more delay, more expense, and less civility. Fortunately,
in simple automobile accident cases with no injuries, traditional
causation rules apply and there is usually no opportunity for punitive
damages, no pain and suffering, and no deep pocket. Thus, there
is little incentive to demand litigation. In fact, had the parties
not handled the matter of damages themselves, a different mediating
institution—such as an insurance company—would have
resolved the matter.
A properly operating tort system encourages acceptance
of responsibility. Those who have been harmed know that the legal
system is there to assure that they will be compensated, and those
who have committed the harm know that society ultimately will not
let them avoid responsibility. This awareness encourages potential
litigants to resolve disputes justly and privately. The wrongdoer
is encouraged to do what is right, and the person who has suffered
harm is encouraged to be understanding and accept the apology and
any associated inconvenience. Parties frequently resolve disputes
without resorting to the courts.
Unfortunately, the current tort system discourages
this kind of behavior. In medical care, the personal interaction
that should exist between a doctor and a patient is mired by the
threat of litigation. And doctors are not inclined to admit wrongdoing
as might be otherwise expected. Moreover, patients tend to doubt
a doctors true intent. Owing to a perverse tort system that
might give an unharmed plaintiff a huge award, doctors are especially
guarded in their communications with patients, while patients assume
that doctors are motivated by law and not by compassion. Rather
than following the natural human inclination to help those who have
been harmed, the present-day tort law system presents incentives
for people to seek litigation. It seems that people today think
of courtrooms as the only source of justice.
This perspective violates the principle of subsidiarity,
which calls for justice to be sought at the lowest level possible,
beginning with the two people or parties involved. Acceptance of
responsibility by the wrongdoer and forgiveness by the person who
was harmed are forms of charitable conduct essential to a just society
because they affirm the dignity and intrinsic value of the person.
The presence of responsibility and forgiveness in human interactions
are supported by a tort system that serves as a default mechanism
designed to reassure citizens that those who are responsible, and
only those who truly are responsible, will be forced to restore
the victim should they not willingly do so. A just and organized
society does not, however, force those who are not culpable of the
damages claimed by a plaintiff to pay for the recovery of such damages
even if they did not result from their actions. Similarly, a just
society does not force those who are culpable to pay excessive amounts.
When the tort law system stops encouraging people
to behave justly; when it causes injured people to seek a financial
windfall; when it provokes wrongdoers to deny responsibility and
look for excuses; when it impels people to doubt the motivations
of others, then such a tort law system does not serve the civil
society but rather acts as a corrosive force against it.
A Nation of Victims
The American legal system has traditionally operated
on the assumption that people make choices and are responsible for
those choices. Justice Benjamin Cardozo, writing for the Supreme
Court in 1937, explained that the American legal system is “guided
by a robust common sense which assumes the freedom of will as a
working hypothesis in the solution of its problems.”31
The Court later reaffirmed this proposition by stating that a “belief
in freedom of the human will and a consequent ability and duty of
the normal individual to choose between good and evil” is
a proposition that is “universal and persistent in mature
systems of law.”32
A legal system that is functioning properly will
hold a person responsible when he, “as a free agent, has exercised
his choice in such a way as to make the punishment a necessary
consequence.”33 As such, holding wrongdoers responsible
for making the plaintiff whole (even punishing them in the case
of intentional wrongdoing) is “the systematic moral
response to wrongdoing.”34 This is how society
reinforces the integrity of the person thus promoting the good and
restraining evil.
When a properly functioning tort law system promises
to hold individuals responsible for their actions, intentional or
not, it reaffirms the importance of the individual and encourages
people to take responsibility for their own actions. In these functions,
the law is a clear benefit to society.
The contrary view of human behavior, that we are
not responsible for our choices, has a devastating impact on the
society. Namely, neither accountability nor punishment could ever
be assigned because,
[L]ike a cockroach, you are in no position to
make moral choices of your own free will. When you commit some
hideous brutality, it is not that you decided to do so. No, on
the contrary, external circumstances made you do it. Once that
message is fully absorbed by potential [wrongdoers] as well as
by their judges and juries, civility and safety will be doomed.35
Obviously, society cannot function if people are
not willing to take responsibility or, in the alternative, if the
society is unwilling to hold them responsible. Unfortunately, most
of the recent developments in tort law theory—particularly
those developments related to causation—have moved away from
the concepts of personal responsibility.
In the modern tort law system, plaintiffs advance
their legal position by presenting themselves as victims. Individuals
today are given a financial incentive to embrace the victims
role even when they are not genuine victims. When police arrive
at the scene of a bus or train accident, for example, one of the
first things they have to do is to secure the area, lest false “victims”
pretend to be injured so they can recover in a lawsuit.36
Defendants, too, often claim that matters beyond their control led
to the event at the heart of the litigation.37 As a result,
the United States is becoming what author Catherine Crier calls
“a nation of victims.”38
To summarize, when the tort system functions properly,
it encourages those who have done harm to assume responsibility
for their actions. It also reassures those who have been harmed
that they will be made whole. To a community as a whole, such a
tort system serves the common good and reflects true Christian justice.
To the individual, such a tort system encourages his personal responsibility
and social harmony in his relations to others.
As the tort law system has evolved over the past
several decades, however, it has moved away from the concept of
personal responsibility. Courts lowered barriers to litigation,
dismantled immunities, lessened causation requirements, and increased
monetary awards. These developments have transformed the legal landscape
and the message that the tort system carries. “Recent developments
in Tort can be understood as … a shift from moral to amoral
Tort law; from a body of law assisting private ordering to a court
ordered public policy.”39
Reforming The Tort System
The goal of tort reform should be to return to a
system based on fault and causation that places blame on those who
caused the damage and restores the plaintiff without punishing those
who happen to be wealthy. Restored to this form, the tort law system
would not only deal with economic and health care concerns, but
it would also affirm the value of the community and the individuals
within that community. This must be the goal of the tort
reform measures that are certain to come.40 Unfortunately,
while many vested interests are trying to influence the tort reform
debate because of the money involved, the more significant moral
position is badly in need of advocates. Men and women of faith,
good will, and compassion who are guided by right reason need to
come forward and give voice to these moral concerns. Only if that
happens will tort reform be able to best serve the common good.
Politics and Prophets
Since 1986, at least forty-five states and the
District of Columbia have recognized the need to place some limitation
on plaintiffs tort rights and remedies.41 Perhaps
the most common proposal is the imposition of a limitation on punitive
damages, but there are others.
Some states have raised the burden of proof from
preponderance of the evidence to the clear and convincing evidence
standard in order to justify punitive damages. A few states have
limited multiple punitive damages in mass tort cases. Others have
placed boundaries on the size of punitive damages, limiting the
award to a given ratio of compensatory damages.42 A few
states automatically allocate a portion of any punitive damages
award to state funds instead of permitting the plaintiff keep the
entire award. Three states have adopted judge-assessed punitive
damages measures. Some states placed limits on joint and several
liability as the result of tort abuses.
Although many reforms have already been enacted,
they have been compared to “Band-Aids plastered onto a festering
wound.”43 This suggests that there is a clear need
for more reform of the tort law system. In the 2004 presidential
election campaigns, candidates from both of the major parties—including
Democratic vice-presidential nominee John Edwards, who is a trial
attorney himself—spoke openly of the need for tort reform.
During this election, two states passed voter initiatives designed
to reform tort law.44 The only problem is that the focus
has all been on the impactthe tort system has had on business competitiveness
and health care.45 There are however, non-economic, moral
impacts that merit serious concern. The debate ought not to be focused
on the financial implications alone.
Christians and their religious leaders need to
be both informed about the changes being considered by legislators
and involved in informing legislators of the significant moral issues
concerned. Church leaders should be playing their prophetic role
in the midst of this political debate. The lives of their parishioners
are affected, their ability to produce effective ministry is at
stake, and the moral fiber of our nation is in question.
Religious leaders ought to be making their views
known, especially as they relate to a complete and biblically informed
understanding of justice. This may take the form of writing letters
to legislators and newspaper editorial boards, drafting articles,
or simply spending time discussing the issues involved in tort reform
with local political leaders. Religious leaders are usually fairly
adept at speaking truth into the public square. Tort reform is in
dire need of a moral conversation to be included alongside the technical
and economic aspects of implementing necessary changes to tort law.
Pastoral Considerations—A Call to Justice
Some of the best pastoral care is done from the
pulpit in which Gods truths are proclaimed. Effective and
timely preaching is not simply declaration into a vacuum. It shapes
and forms the moral character of those who hear it. Religious leaders
need to make plain the truths of Scripture regarding justice and
fairness. They need to proclaim the message that reconciliation
is always better than litigation, even when there exists a potentially
large payoff. The message of personal responsibility must be a hallmark
of the churchs proclamation. Those who injure others must
be called to put right what they have done.
Reconciliation has a deep and profound meaning
in Christian thinking. The offending party is called to display
humility and admit wrongdoing. No hiding. No casting off blame.
It means seeking forgiveness and reconciliation. It means acknowledging
what we have done and, to the best of our ability, restoring the
person we harmed. This is not easy nor, especially in serious cases,
does it come naturally to us. It requires effort for which we need
Gods grace.
The second part of reconciliation involves the
person who has been hurt. Pauls command is to forgive as the
Lord has forgiven us. Christs prayer teaches us to enter into
the presence of God asking that our trespasses be forgiven even
as we forgive the trespasses of one another. These are not easy
commands. For some, the yoke will be hard and the burden will be
heavy. But the call of the Gospel is to forgive extravagantly. It
is to forgive with all our hearts. It is forgiveness that is aimed,
ultimately, at the restoration of ourselves, the one who has hurt
us, and the relationship between us.
Sometimes this can happen simply between two people,
the one hurt and the one causing the pain. In some cases, the other
mediating relationships in our lives must become involved, beginning
with our family members and moving out to friends, the church, and
our community. In extreme cases in which all of these relationships
have become involved and there is no resolution, the courts need
be become involved to provide a fair and impartial legal structure
that will conclude the matter. But always, this ought to be the
option of last resort rather than our first response. Our faith
calls us to higher standards and the future of a civil and functional
society rests on it.
Notes
- “Recognizing Liability Risk,” http://www.churchmutual.com/
index.php/choice/risk/page/rm_booklets/id/35.
- Daniel W. Shuman, “Making the World a Better Place Through
Tort Law? Through the Therapeutic Looking Glass,” New York
Law School Journal of Human Rights 10 (1993): 739.
- Pope Pius XI, encyclical letter Quadragesimo Anno (1931),
par. 79. See also the Catechism of the Catholic Church
(New York: Doubleday, 1995), § 1883–1885 for a description
of the Churchs doctrine on subsidiarity.
- Miller v. National Cabinet Co., 8 N.Y.2d 277, 204 N.Y.S.2d
129, 168 N.E.2d 811 (1960).
- David E. Bernstein, “Procedural Tort Reform: Lessons from
Other Nations,” Regulation: The Cato Review of Business
& Government 19:1 (1996).
- Martha A. Churchill, “Environmental Fear and the Courts,”
Wall Street Journal, 26 May 1993.
- Ibid.
- Jeffrey OConnell, The Lawsuit Lottery: Only the Lawyers
Win (New York: Free Press, 1979), 8. Of course, with the emergence
of comparative negligence as a replacement for contributory negligence,
the third listed factor is no longer of significance.
- Bernstein, “Prodecural Tort Reform.”
- James L. Percelay, Whiplash: Americas Most Frivolous
Lawsuits (Kansas City, Mo.: Andrews McMeel Publishing, 2000),
101.
- Neil Weinberg and David Fisher, “Dirty Money: How Lawyers
and Politicians Profit from the Class-Action Racket,” Fortune,
30 September 2004, 150.
- “ABA report defends contingent fees,” Mississippi
Law Week, 21–27 November 2004. (American Bar Association
task force finds contingency fees essential to preserving the
right to seek redress in medical malpractice cases).
- When I practiced law in Chicago, there was one plaintiffs
attorney who was notorious for settling cases, but only on the
first day of trial. That way he received forty percent of the
settlement rather than the thirty percent that he would have received
at any earlier time.
- Steve Stanek, “Hopes for malpractice liability reform
on life support,” The Illinois Leader, 1 June 2004.
- Stephen M. Turner, et al., Punitive Damages Explosion: Fact
or Fiction? (Washington, D.C.: Washington Legal Foundation,
1992), 2–4.
- United States Congress, Improving the American Legal System:
The Economic Benefits of Tort Reform, Joint Economic Committee
Study (March 1996), http://www.house.gov/ jec/tort/ tort/tort.htm.
- Charles Wolfram, Modern Legal Ethics (St. Paul, Minn.:
West Publishing, 1986); quoted in United States Congress, Improving
the American Legal System.
- Todd J. Zywicki, Public Choice and Tort Reform, Law and
Economics Working Paper Series no. 00-36 (Arlington, Va.: George
Mason University School of Law, 2000).
- Ibid.
- Ibid.
- Common Good, Fear of Litigation Study, The Impacton Medicine
Final Report, study no. 15780 (11 April 2002), http://cgood.org/assets/attachments/57.pdf.
- Maureen Martin, “Guest Opinion: Is the Legal System Killing
Health Care? In Illinois, the Answer is Yes,”
The Illinois Leader, 30 March 2004.
- Mississippi juries have recently been noted for being very friendly
to plaintiffs. The large awards that they gave in medical malpractice
cases caused insurance companies first to raise premiums significantly.
When that seemed insufficient, insurance companies even stopped
offering medical malpractice insurance for a brief period of time.
As a result, in 2003, there were no doctors (or at least very
few) who were willing to practice medicine in some small towns.
This was the case in Oxford, Mississippi, for example, where the
author of this monograph resides. During a two-week period, pediatricians
stopped seeing patients. Parents were in anguish with the uncertainty
of available pediatric services. Worst of all, two heart specialists
simply left town without returning.
- Martin, “Guest Opinion.” (Mentioning obstetricians
and neurosurgeons and discussing the related impact on overall
unemployment).
- Even the media has become aware of this problem. A report titled
“Fed Up Obstetricians Look for a Way Out,” USA
Today, June 30, 2002, focused on experiences of patients.
An alarmed expectant mother in Nevada, for example, said, “Im
in a scary position right now … Im six months pregnant,
and I dont have a doctor.”
- The U.S. Council of Economic Advisors found that “concerns
over liability have resulted in withdrawals of certain medicines
and halted the production of vaccines such as smallpox and DPT.”
Council of Economic Advisors (2002) at 12.
- “The Managed Care Deadlock,” The Washington Post,
15 June 2002.
- Lynn Buzzard, With Liberty and Justice: A Look at Civil Law
and the Christian (Wheaton, Ill.: Victor Books, 1984), 135.
- Buzzard, With Liberty and Justice, 136.
- Ibid.
- Charles C. Steward Mach Co. v. Davis, 301 U.S. 548, 590
(1937).
- Morissette v. United States, 342 U.S. 246, 250 (1952).
See also Ronald J. Rychlak and Joseph F. Rychlak, “Mental
Health Experts on Trial: Free Will and Determinism in the Courtroom,”
West Virginia Law Review 100 (1997): 193.
- Edmund L. Pincoffs, The Rationale of Legal Punishment
(New York: Humanities Press, 1966), 8; See also Lloyd L. Weintreb,
“Desert, Punishment, and Criminal Responsibility,”
Law & Contemporary Problems 49 (1986): 47.
- Robert J. Lipkin, “The Moral Good Theory of Punishment,”
University of Florida Law Review 40 (1988): 81.
- Lapin, “Darwin is Dead,” Crisis (November
1995): 56.
- Stephen B. Burbank, professor at the University of Pennsylvania
Law School, explained: “There is unquestionably a certain
amount of fraud going on in this type of litigation.… People
who have not been injured and people who have been injured in
the most minor ways get swept in with those who are seriously
injured.” L. Stuart Ditzen, “Mass Diet Pill Litigation
Inflates Settlement Costs to $13.2 Billion,” The Philadelphia
Inquirer, 9 April 2002.
- See Ronald J. Rychlak and Julie Jarrell, “Compulsive Gambling
as a Criminal Defense,” Gaming Law Review 4 (2000);
and Rychlak and Rychlak, “Mental Health Experts on Trial.”
- Catherine Crier, The Case Against Lawyers: How Lawyers, Politicians,
and Bureaucrats Have Turned the Law into an International Instrument
of Tyranny—and What We as Citizens Have to Do About It
(New York: Broadway Books, 2002).
- Michael I. Krauss, “Tort Law, Moral Accountability, and
Efficiency: Reflections on the Current Crisis,” Journal
of Markets & Morality 2, no. 1 (Spring 1999), http://www.acton.org
/publicat/m_and_m/1999_spr/krauss.htm.
- Patrick J. Kelley, “Tort Reform,” in Natural
Law and Contemporary Public Policy, ed. David F. Forte (Washington,
D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1998).
- Adam Cohen, “Are Lawyers Running America?” Time
(17 July 2000); and American Tort Reform Association, “About
ATRA,” http://www.atra.org/about/.
- State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co. v. Campbell, 538 U.S.
408 (2003).
- Krauss, “Tort Law, Moral Accountability, and Efficiency.”
- A Florida constitutional initiative passed the November 2004
ballot to limit contingency fees in “medical liability”
cases to 30 percent of the first $250,000 in damages and 10 percent
of any additional damages. See American Medical Association, “Florida,
Nevada voters protect access to care,” (3 November 2004),
http://www.ama-assn.org/ama/pub/category/13786.html (also noting
a similar initiative that passed in Nevada).
- Trial attorneys are, of course, opposed to most (if not all)
of these reforms, for example, Robert S. Peck, “ATLAs
law firm takes reform to the courts,” Trial
(July 2004).
References
Books and Articles
American Tort Reform Association, “About
ATRA,” http://atra.org/about.
American Tort Reform Association, “Tort
Reform Record,” December 31, 2003, http://www.atra.org/show/7343.
Bernstein, David E., “Procedural Tort
Reform: Lessons from Other Nations,” Regulation, The Cato
Review of Business & Government 19:1, (1996):
. http://wwwcato.org/pubs/regulation/reg19nle.html.
Buzzard, Lynn, With Liberty and Justice:
A Look at Civil Law and the Christian. Wheaton, Ill.: Victor
Books, 1984.
Catechism of the Catholic Church. New
York: Doubleday, 1995.
Churchill, Martha A., “Environmental Fear
and the Courts,” The Wall Street Journal, May 26, 1993.
Cohen, Adam, “Are Lawyers Running America?”
Time, 17 July 2000).
Common Good, Fear of Litigation Study, The
Impact on Medicine Final Report, Study no. 15780 (11 April 2002),
http://cgood.org/assets/attachments/57.pdf.
White House Council of Economic Advisors, Who
Pays for Tort Liability Claims? An Economic Analysis of the U.S.
Tort Liability System (April 2002).
Crier, Catherine, The Case Against Lawyers:
How Lawyers, Politicians, and Bureaucrats Have Turned the Law into
an International Instrument of Tyranny—and What We as Citizens
Have to Do About It. New York: Broadway Books, 2002.
Kelley, Patrick J. “Tort Reform,”
in Natural Law and Contemporary Public Policy, ed. by David
F. Forte. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1998.
Krauss, Michael I., “Tort Law, Moral Accountability,
and Efficiency: Reflections on the Current Crisis,” Journal
of Markets & Morality 2, no. 1 (Spring 1999): 114–24,
http://www.acton.org/publicat/m_and_m/1999_spr/krauss.html.
Lipkin, Robert J., “The Moral Good Theory
of Punishment,” 40 (1998): 17–82.
Martin, Maureen, “Guest Opinion: Is the
Legal System Killing Health Care? In Illinois, the Answer is Yes,”
The Illinois Leader, 30 March 30 2004.
OConnell, Jeffrey. The Lawsuit Lottery:
Only the Lawyers Win. New York: Free Press, 1979.
Peck, Robert S. “ATLAs law firm
takes reform to the courts.” Trial, July
2004.
Percelay, James, Whiplash: Americas
Most Frivolous Lawsuits. Kansas City, Mo.: Andrews McMeel Publishing,
2000.
Pincoffs, Edmund L., The Rationale of Legal
Punishment. New York: Humanities Press, 1966.
Pope Pius XI, Quadragesimo Anno (1931).
Prosser, William L., Handbook of the Law
of Torts. West Publishing, 3d ed., 1964.
Rychlak, Ronald J. and John M. Czarnetzky, “The
International Criminal Court and the Question of Subsidiarity,”
Third World Legal Studies (2000–2003): 115–39.
Rychlak, Ronald J. and Julie Jarrell, “Compulsive
Gambling as a Criminal Defense,” Gaming Law Rev 4 (2000):
333–38.
Rychlak, Ronald J. and Joseph F. Rychlak, “Mental
Health Experts on Trial: Free Will and Determinism in the Courtroom,”
West Virginia Law Review 100 (1997): 193–242.
Shuman, Daniel W., “Making the World a
Better Place Through Tort Law? Through the Therapeutic Looking Glass,”
New York Law School Journal of Human Rights 10 (1993): 739.
Stanek, Steve, “Hopes for malpractice
liability reform on life support,” The Illinois Leader,
1 June 2004.
United States Congress, Joint Economic Committee,
Improving the American Legal System: The Economic Benefits of
Tort Reform. Joint Economic Committee Study (March 1996), http://www.house.gov/jec/tort/tort/tort.htm.
Weinberg, Neil & David Fisher, “Dirty
Money: How Lawyers and Politicians Profit from the Class-Action
Racket,” Fortune, 30 September 2004: 150.
Zywicki, Todd J., Public Choice and Tort
Reform, Law and Economics Working Paper series no. 00 36 (Arlington,
Va.: George Mason University School of Law, 2000).
Case Law
Charles C. Steward Mach Co. v. Davis, 301 U.S.
548 (1937).
Miller v. National Cabinet Co., 8 N.Y.2d 277,
204 N.Y.S.2d 129, 168 N.E.2d 811 (1960).
Morissette v. United States, 342 U.S. 246 (1952).
State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co. v. Campbell,
538 U.S. 408 (2003). |