The Positive Role of Religion in a Liberal Democracy
Greg Markey
One hundred years after the American experiment began, Abraham
Lincoln asked whether a nation "conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition
that all men are created equal" could "long endure." More than a hundred years
have passed since then, and the country has survived two World Wars, The Depression,
and the Cold War. However, the nation has also experienced a massive influx
of immigrants from both the East and the West. In addition to this, developments
in technology, communication, and leisure time have challenged man to understand
his ability to be free. The Second Vatican Council emphasized this point: "Man
is growing conscious that the forces he has unleashed are in his own hands,
and that it is up to him to control them or be enslaved by them. Here lies the
modern dilemma."1 Lincoln's question is once again relevant today: "Can a democratic
nation that is conceived in liberty, yet possesses so many diverse opinions
and technological advancements, long endure?" In this paper, I will attempt
to show that a liberal democracy can long endure if it promotes virtue and truth;
historically, it is religion that has promoted virtue through ensuring a strong
family life.
In the nineteenth century Lord Acton wrote: "Liberty is not
the power of doing what we like, but the right of being able to do what we ought."
This understanding about the proper sense of liberty is crucial in answering
Lincoln's question. Acton's statement makes the basic distinction between liberty
and license: Liberty is "the right of being able to do what we ought" and license
is "the power of doing what we like." The difference between the two is that
liberty possesses a moral implication, what one "ought" to do, whereas license
does not. The importance of the distinction lies in the fact that people today
rightly place great value on freedom. Unfortunately, freedom is too often equated
solely with license, thereby ignoring any morality. Pope John Paul II addresses
this issue in Veritatis Splendor:
Certain currents of modern thought have gone so far as to exalt freedom
to such an extent that it becomes an absolute... Human freedom would thus be
able to 'create values' and would enjoy a primacy over truth, to the point that
truth itself would be considered a creation of freedom.2
In the words of Lord Acton, freedom could become "the power
of doing what we like."
Freedom then, properly understood, is the "right of doing
what we ought." It is a guaranteed ability to choose without coercion what is
true and just. Freedom and truth are, therefore, intimately linked. In his address
to the United Nations in 1995, John Paul II stated:
Freedom is ordered to the truth and is fulfilled in man's quest for
truth and in man's living in the truth. Detached from the truth about the human
person, freedom deteriorates into license in the lives of individuals; and in
political life, it becomes the caprice of the most powerful and the arrogance
of power. Far from being a limitation upon freedom or a threat to it, reference
to the truth about the human person ... is, in fact, the guarantor of freedom's
future.3
He has also written: "This essential bond of truth-good-liberty
is largely lost in contemporary culture, and therefore today it is one of the
proper tasks of the mission of the church for the salvation of the world to
lead people back to seeing this union."4 Determining truth is, therefore, a
pivotal part of any free and democratic society.
With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, liberal democracy
has become the acceptable form of government in the modern world. As a system
of government, it is based on a written constitution and self-evident individual
rights, such as life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Beyond a constitution,
however, it can become confusing for the nation to determine truth because a
democracy, by definition, is "value-neutral," inasmuch as it does not impose
an ideology.5
For example, what about the legitimacy of same-sex marriages?
Nowhere in the Constitution is this issue addressed. Nevertheless, this does
not imply that society should be without virtue. In a properly ordered democracy,
its citizens deliberate over the issue and then vote by a referendum or through
legislativerepresentatives. In his evaluation of the American experiment, Tocqueville
was concerned that, without any regard for truth, the "tyranny of the majority"
would decide the law. Therefore, inherent in a democratic system is this potential
error: Freedom as the highest norm determines truth, and thereby can distort
truth. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia expressed this point in an address
at the Gregorian Pontifical University in Rome. In a response to a questioner
who asked about the rights of minorities, Scalia stated, "The whole theory of
democracy, my dear fellow, is that the majority rules; that is the whole theory
of it. You protect minorities only because the majority determines that there
are certain minority positions that deserve protection."6
Because a liberal democracy functions in this manner, three
major transgressions occur. The first is that decisions about moral issues are
decided pragmatically.7 For example, the discussion of abortion by the government
rarely focuses on the moral question of when it is permissible to take a human
life. Instead, it takes a more practical approach, such as, "Abortions will
happen in any case; they should be made 'safe,'" or "A woman should have the
freedom to choose privately." In a recent statement about the legality of partial-birth
abortion, President Clinton stated this exact point: "This is not a pro-life,
pro-choice issue. To me this is a practical problem."8
The second result is that private interest groups and lobbying
firms have a powerful influence on determining public policy in the legislature.9
Laws are not made according to what is ethically right or wrong but according
to the pressures of the strongest lobbying organization. In a recent lecture,
Avery Dulles spoke about how liberal democracy can be reduced to a mere conglomeration
of political associations: "...[T]he procedural republic does not offer adequate
foundations for a healthy self-governing society. It creates a moral void. Political
association sinks to the level of a mere coalition in which the members are
not inspired by any shared vision of the good."10
The third effect is that beyond the Constitution there are
no guiding principles to help determine the society's values. When freedom is
the highest guiding principle, tolerance becomes the greatest good. There is
no right or wrong, only complete acceptance. Virtues such as courage, prudence,
patience, and justice are enacted into laws only if the people feel they ought
to be. Ultimately, a government "of the people, by the people, and for the people"
is only as virtuous as its members. This is why James Madison wrote in The
Federalist Papers that the United States' version of democracy requires
a higher degree of virtue in its citizens than does any other form of government.11
How does a liberal democracy, such as the United States, instill
in its citizens a shared vision of the common good? How does it develop civic
virtue among the people so that they, in turn, vote for just laws and virtuous
leaders? One difficulty with this question is where to begin. Virtues once considered
commonplace by American standards are no longer so prevalent. For example, respect
for adults, marital fidelity, and parental responsibility are not as common
as they once were.12 Nonetheless, children need to learn these virtues along
with self-control, courage, loyalty, and the ability to exercise their freedom
with responsibility. The United States relies on many organizations to foster
these virtues, such as schools, local government, and community groups. Historically,
however, religion has played the largest role in promoting a society of free
and responsible individuals through ensuring a strong family life.
Tocqueville states that although religion does not directly
steer the government of the United States, it is still appropriately the foremost
political institution in American politics. The separation of church and state
keeps religion from becoming directly involved, "...but it directs the manners
of the community, and by regulating domestic life, it regulates the state."13
Tocqueville's point is that churches do this by inspiring a strong family life.
It is in the home where a man and woman find their joy and peace, which is then
spread into the community. "...[T]he American derives from his own home that
love of order, which he afterwards carries with him into public affairs."14
In fact, many modern liberal thinkers are coming to the same
conclusion that the future of the liberal democracy is dependent upon the stability
of the family.15 The Christian tradition has always stated its support for the
family because God has ordained through the natural law that all people be raised
by a mother and a father. Marriage is viewed in the Christian tradition as a
sacrifice of one's personal desires for the good of one's spouse, children,
and ultimately for the good of society.16 Religion promotes family life through
prayer, counseling, encouragement, and the preaching of the Gospel. Pope John
Paul II emphasizes the Catholic Church's position in Centesimus Annus:
The first and fundamental structure for 'human ecology' is the family,
in which someone receives his first formative ideas about truth and goodness,
and learns what it means to love and to be loved, and thus what it actually
means to be a person. Here we mean the family founded on marriage, in which
the mutual gift of self by husband and wife creates an environment in which
children can be born and develop their potentialities, become aware of their
dignity and prepare to face their unique and individual destiny.17
Families today, however, have an even higher divorce rate
than in previous times. Fewer and fewer children are being raised in a two-parent
home. Expressing his concern for these children the Pope has written: "When
he has no family, the person coming into the world develops an anguished sense
of pain and loss, one which subsequently burdens his whole life."18 Children
in this situation will possess a greater difficulty developing their full potential
and becoming well-integrated citizens. Ultimately, this situation could jeopardize
the future of the entire nation. With its strong emphasis on family unity, religion
is capable of playing a positive role in reversing this negative trend.
The United States, as a liberal democracy, faces a unique
opportunity in history. It is no longer subject to the political and economic
policy restrictions that it faced during the Cold War. It is both an economic
and military world leader and no longer possesses a common external enemy. Now
the nation's enemy is primarily from within, and its destiny resides in its
own hands. In a certain sense, the American experiment really begins now. Can
our liberal democracy effectively function as a system of government? The answer
lies in how we will articulate the relationship between freedom and truth. Will
freedom become a vehicle for the promotion of virtue and a strong family life,
or will freedom degenerate into a form of license? As Tocqueville observed,
from the inception of the United States, religion has played an extremely important
role in fostering and securing a society of free and responsible individuals.
Today, churches proclaim the same message: With freedom comes the obligation
to choose what is true and just. Only if this message reaches the hearts of
the citizenry will the American experiment "long endure."
Greg Markey, a native of Ridgefield, Connecticut, graduated
from the University of New Hampshire with a major in political science. He studied
pre-theology at Saint John Fisher Seminary and is currently pursuing his Master's
in theology at Mount Saint Mary's Seminary. He hopes to be ordained for the
diocese of Bridgeport, Connecticut, and after ordination he plans to continue
his education at the John Paul II Institute for Studies on Marriage and Family.
Notes
Austin Flannery, ed., "Gaudium et Spes," Vatican Council II
(Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1992), #39.
John Paul II, Veritatis Splendor (Boston: St. Paul Books and Media,
1993), #32, 35.
John Paul II, "The Fabric of Relations Among Peoples," Origins,
19 October 1995, 29399.
"The Pope Speaks, AAS 79 (1987): 1374.
Janne Haaland Matlary, "Ethics in the Public Debate," Catholic
World Report, November 1996, 49.
Robert P. George, "The Tyrant State," First Things, November
1996, 40.
Matlary, 52.
"Excerpts of President Clinton's Staff Announcement and Transcripts
of His News Conference," The Washington Post, 14 December 1996,
sec. A13.
Matlary, 51.
Avery Dulles, "Context of Christian Proclamation Sets Parameter of
Dialogue," National Catholic Register, 7 December 1996, 7.
James Madison, John Jay, and Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist Papers
(New York: Tudor Publishing Co., 1937).
Mary Ann Glendon and David Blankenhorn, eds., Seedbeds of Virtue
(New York: Madison Books, 1996), 13.
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. Henry Reeve (New
York: Edward Walker, 1847), 332.
Ibid., 333.
Glendon, 11.
Flannery, #49.
John Paul II, Centesimus Annus (Boston: St. Paul Books and Media,
1991), #39.
John Paul II, Letter to the Families (Boston: St. Paul Books and
Media, 1994), #2.
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